A. Apollónius Cordus P. Rutilió Barduló omnibusque
sal.
> [Bardulus] Well, we have the example of *another*
> freed slave of
> Cicero: his secretary Tiro (see Cicero, Epistulae ad
> Familiares). He was freed with the name of Marcus
> Tullius Tiro.
> As for the first slave, it would be a case of
> "manumissio per
> vindictam" or "manumissio vindicta". With this
> action, a friend
> (assertor libertatem) of the legitimate owner claims
> the freedom
> of the slave before a magistrate; the owner, of
> course,
> recognizes the claim, and the magistrate makes the
> slave a
> libertus. See Gaius, Inst. I, 17, and Dig. 40, 2.
> The freed through a manumissio vindicta probably
> takes his nomen
> from his assertor libertatem, in our case it could
> be Pomponius
> Atticus, Cicero's good friend.
Ah, that's a very good point - it may well have
occurred that way. And indeed Tiró might have been
emancipated in the same way, but with the process
going through only two and a half iterations rather
than the full three. Manumissions per vindictam could
be done either way.
As you've already agreed, though, slaves are
irrelevant to the point under discussion, because
we're not considering what to do about manumitted
slaves - we're considering what to do about free
foreigners.
> Cordus scripsit:
> > Also, your point number 3 is slightly
> over-simplified.
> > There were several different layers of heir in
> > republican law, and if the first sort of heir
> could
> > not be found, the second inherited; if the second
> > could not be found, then the third; and so on. The
> > gens was the absolute last of these layers, and it
> > must have been extremely rare for this layer ever
> to
> > be necessary.
>
> [Bardulus] Not at all: see Gaius Inst. III, 17: "Si
> nullus
> agnatus sit, eadem lex XII tabularum gentiles ad
> hereditatem
> uocat. Qui sint autem gentiles, primo commentario
> rettulimus; et
> cum illic admonuerimus totum gentilicium ius in
> desuetudinem
> abisse, superuacuum est hoc quoque loco de eadem re
> iterum
> curiosius tractare."
And see Zulueta's commentary on that passage in the
Oxford edition:
"The right of the gens to succeed in default of sui
heredes must be older than the Twelve Tables, which so
far from creating the right seem to have reduced it by
giving preference to the nearest agnate. But the whole
subject of the gens and the nature of its succession
is conjectural. Gaius dismisses it as obsolete, and
the praetor simply ignored it... In early Rome it [the
gens] was of very considerable social and even
political importance, but by the time of the Twelve
Tables it was already in decay. Its right of
succession may have been in the nature of an escheat,
by which land, the main form of wealth, went back to
the body from which it had come. One should not infer
from the fact that the Twelve Tables said gentiles,
not gens, that the gentiles succeeded individually and
not as a corporation, but there is some evidence that
this was so in later times. Traces of gentilitial
succession and tutela are found up to the beginning of
the Empire, but not later."
> So *there were* a "gentilicium ius" (Gens-based
> civil law) in
> Roman history, but unused ("in desuetudinem") since
> long ago in
> Gaius' times (probably he lived during the reign of
> emperor
> Marcus Aurelius).
You have imported the word "civil" into your
translation of "gentÃlicium jús", but I don't know
where you've got it from. "GentÃlicium jús" doesn't
mean that there was a huge body of law dealing with
many aspects of the life of the gens - it simply means
that there were some legal rules (however many or few
of them there were originally) relating to gentés.
Since Gaius' only reference to the gentÃlicium jús is
in this context, and since indeed this is pretty well
the only reference to such a thing in any source that
I know of, it would be perfectly reasonable to assume
that the gentÃlicium jús consisted entirely of this
rule of inheritance. Certainly to suggest that it
contained a significant number of other rules,
mysteriously lost, would be totally without reason.
But even if we imagine a large complex of legal rules
pertaining to gentés, we are faced with Gaius'
statement "tótum gentÃlicium jús in désuétúdinem
abisse" - "that the whole gentÃlicium jús has fallen
into disuse"; and, as Zulueta says, it had probably
been in a state of decay already by the time of the
lex duodecim tabulárum, traditionally dated to c. 450
B.C.
> ... It's a pity that the definition of
> the Gentes
> made by Gaius ("primo commentario rettulimus")
> hasn't been
> conserved in the texts that remained of the
> Institutiones.
Yes, it is.
> [Bardulus] After the fall of the Latin League in 384
> before the
> common era, the ius migrandi for the latini as a
> method of
> gaining the full citizenship, was replaced by the
> requirement of
> being a local magistrate of the city of origin
> (civitas per
> magistratum).
Your evidence for this? Your statement is flatly
contradicted by A. N. Sherwin-White, "The Roman
Citizenship" (Oxford University Press, 1973):
"A third important part of early Republican Latium [he
means Latin status, not the geographical territory of
Latium] was the peculiar right of migratio to Rome. We
have seen that this corresponds to a very early
institution of the tribal period of Latin history. How
far this sank out of sight in the great days of the
independent city-states is hard to tell. While the
possible partial limitation of its exercise in 268
B.C. suggests that it remained lively, and the
practice of exilium must have served to preserve it,
there is no doubt that the increased value of the
Roman citizenship after the second Punic War
encouraged a sudden revival of the old custom,
somewhat to the detriment of the Latins themselves.
Large numbers of Latins removed to Rome and began by
registering themselves at the census acquired Roman
citizenship. Such an institution, however much Roman
and Latin authorities sought to check its use, would
at least keep alive the Roman traditions of the
Latins, and encourage that sense of a specially
privileged status second only to Roman citizenship.
This right of gaining the franchise per migrationem et
censum disappeared by the time of the Social War, very
probably in the interess of the Latins themselves."
(pp.110-11)
Far from being "replaced" after 384 B.C., the jús
migrandà continued until the time of the Social War,
in the late 90s B.C. - that is, until the last or
second-last generation of the republic.
> But there is a problem, Corde: you talked about
> "early
> treaties". I wonder how many treaties Nova Roma has
> and with
> what nations. Of course we always can ask the French
> Republic,
> the United States of America, the Kingdom of Spain
> or the United
> Kingdom of Great Britain, the recognition of the
> Republic of
> Nova Roma. It would be an interesting thing to see
> the answers
> of their Foreign Affairs departments.
Indeed, but there is no need for a treaty. What we
have done is to unilaterally grant a legal right to
foreigners. The early treaties were mutual
arrangements whereby Rome gave the Latins the right to
settle in Rome, and the Latins gave Romans the right
to settle in Latin cities. But if Rome had decided to
simply give the Latins the right to settle in Rome
without asking anything in exchange, there would have
been no need for a treaty.
Remember the nature of a treaty in Roman law. The
terms of the treaty were negotiated by ambassadors and
debated in the senate, but when the text of the treaty
was ready, it was proposed to the comitia and enacted
as a lex. This gave legal force to the parts of the
treaty which were binding on Rome. The same sort of
thing probably happened in the Latin cities, to bind
the latter to their part of the treaty. If the Roman
comitia had simply passed such a lex without
negotiating with the Latin cities, the Latins would
still have had the jús migrandà at Rome. This is what
we've done.
> [Bardulus] But the latini veteres also had the right
> to vote in
> the Comitia Tributa, in a random tribe, if they were
> at Rome
> during an election. Will give Nova Roma the right to
> vote in our
> comitia to the non-citizens?
This was not originally a part of the package of Latin
rights. Let's hear from Sherwin-White again:
"The number of iura that are late accretions [to the
Latin rights] can be thus reduced to a modest figure.
Most obvious is the ius suffragi ferendi: one tribe
was set aside at Rome in the concilium plebis in which
Latins could cast their votes. Dionysius has taken
this custom to be primitive, but elsewhere it has left
no trace until Livy's mention of it during the second
Punic War. As a primitive institution, beside the ius
mutandae civitatis it seems superfluous; but later,
when Roman citizens were being drafted off in large
numbers to Latin colonies, in distant parts of Italy,
the custom, suggesting vaguely the yet unformed
concept of dual citizenship, becomes highly
interesting."
(p. 35)
So the answer is "no", as far as I'm concerned.
> [Bardulus] Read again my last message. Apart from
> the people,
> through the Comitia, or the Senate, authorized by
> the people,
> only magistrates *with imperium* could grant
> citizenship rights,
> according the Lex Iulia de Civitati Latinis et
> Sociis Danda
> (year 90 before the common era). Those acts of
> granting
> citizenship had the rank of a lex data (a lex
> without the
> rogatio ad populum). You can see an example of this
> at the
> inscription from the Bronze of Ascoli (CIL I, 709).
Yes, I did read your last message, and within it I
read your statement that only magistrates with
imperium could grant citizenship. That statement was
incorrect, and that is why I contradicted it.
Magistrates, with or without imperium, could not grant
citizenship on their own authority. The first grants
of citizenship by a magistrate without the prior
authorization of a lex was by Marius in 101 B.C. But
his action was clearly illegal, and he never denied
it, merely remarking that "in the din of battle he
could not hear the voice of the law" (Plutarch,
"Marius" 28).
The lex Júlia which you mention was, of course, late
republican, but it was also less than you claim. It
did not give magistrates with imperium a general right
to grant citizenship to all and sundry for ever after:
it gave them the right to give citizenship to Italians
who laid down their arms during the Social War. Since
the Social War is no longer being fought, this law is
now obsolete.
Compare, however, the lex Gellia Cornélia of 72, which
authorized in advance the grant of citizenship by
Pompéjus after the Sertorian war (I expect you know
all this well, since it's local history for you). This
shows quite clearly that even as late as 72 a
magistrate had to be given authority by lex in advance
before he could grant citizenship. Chapter III of
Goodfellow's "Roman Citizenship" (Lancaster Press,
1935) gives a good overview of this subject.
> [Bardulus] This new system is based in too many
> legal fictions.
> You can see all the rest of the world as latini
> iuniani
> (libertini, this is, former slaves) to grant them
> the
> citizenship through the ius migrandi; or you can try
> to make a
> treaty with any of the modern nations in order to
> grant their
> citizens latin rights. Yes, very historical and very
> realistic
> thing. :-)
Ah, but as I've shown above it is not based on any
fiction at all! We do not see foreigners as freedmen;
nor do we have to have a treaty with any other
country. All we have to do is say that foreigners all
have the jús migrandÃ. That is what the constitution
says, though not in those very words.
> Cordus scripsit:
> > Mancipatio? Do you mean emancipatio? If so, you
> must
> > be confused: the censores in the new system do not
> > have the power to emancipate anyone.
>
> [Bardulus] Oh, I had forgotten that the censores
> aren't who
> emancipate! They were the filiifamiliarum who
> emancipate
> theirselves. Again, really historical. :-)
I think you've misread something somewhere.
FÃliÃfamiliás cannot emancipate themselves either.
It's true that some people talked recently about
"emancipating oneself", but that was sloppiness. The
lex Labiena dé gentibus granted all citizens the
extraordinary right to change their gens and domus (or
stirps) within the year following its approval. That
was certainly unhistorical, but it was an
extraordinary measure designed to ease the transition
from the old system to the new system. Now that
year-long amnesty is over, and the new system is fully
in place. Now people cannot emancipate themselves, nor
can the censórés emancipate them. Only their
patrésfamiliás or mátrésfamiliás can emancipate their
fÃlià (although there is a provision for emancipation
by the praetórés in unusual cases - this is a minor
departure from historical practice, but it is by
analogy with a historical procedure relating to
marriage-law).
May I suggest that you read the lex you are
criticising?
> [Bardulus] Corde, this system isn't and *never* will
> be a
> historical system (as the old wasn't at all),
> because Nova Roma
> isn't a real nation nor a true state. Nova Roma is
> only an
> international association, nothing more and nothing
> less.
> Internal civil laws has no sense in an association.
Well, this is true, of course, but if you wish to
raise this objection then you must surely concede that
nothing at all in Nova Róma is historical. The
sovereignty of Nova Róma is a legal fiction, but it is
the one on which the entire organization is based. If
we do not assume it, then we may as well dismantle the
whole thing.
> We should
> talk about membership rules, and not about "granting
> citizenship". And since it's a matter of association
> membership,
> and not of national citizenship, we could choose one
> system or
> another.
And presumably you would also like us to stop talking
about Nova Róma as a state, and therefore stop talking
about a state religion? Shall we stop having consulés
and tribúnà plébis? Shall we stop having pontificés
and fláminés? Either you accept the legal fiction of
Nova Róma's sovereignty or you reject it. If you
accept it, then you cannot use it as a means to
criticise the historicity of any particular lex. If
you reject it, then I really don't understand what you
are doing here in the first place.
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